Vali Nasr, en el capítulo The Prophets of Change de su libro Forces of Fortune: The Rise of the New Muslim Middle Class and What It Will Mean for Our World, habla del revolucionario pluralismo que está teniendo lugar en Oriente Medio de la mano de bloggers, raperos, diseñadores, tele-evangelistas, activistas pro-derechos humanos, peculiares gurús islámicos y pensadores de todo tipo. Hay voces seculares en este revoltijo, dice Nasr, pero en su mayoría se trata de un resurgir islámico que amalgama opiniones reformistas (partidarias de abrazar la modernidad, profundizar en la democracia, respetar los derechos de las mujeres) y conservadoras (partidarias de la sharia, imponer restricciones a las mujeres, combatir a Israel con terroristas suicidas).
Nasr contrapone, como representates de las dos corrientes en Egipto, a Amr Khalid (reformista) y a Yusuf Qaradawi (conservador).
Amr Khalid, p. 177:
The forty-two-year-old Egyptian, a former accountant, cuts a dashing figure, clean-shaved and dapper in polo shirts and three-piece suits; he is witty, wise, and uplifting. He lectures widely in large halls and auditoriums, and is the host of his own television shows - his latest is called "Da'wat al-Ta'yish" or "Call to Coexistence", which broadcasts on four satellite television stations across the Arab world. His sermons reach many more through his website, as well as DVDs and Youtube clips.
Whether in person or on television, he captivates audiences with sermons that present religion and moral instruction in an entertaining format. He gesticulates wildly, cracks jokes, and beseeches his audience through impassioned and lively dialogue. He talks of love and interweaves stores from the life of the Prophet with teaching from the Koran, offering a wealth of scriptural quotes along with his views on current affairs. He rejects extremism and openly criticizes Osama bin Laden, and tells his audience that dialogue is better than destruction and that Muslims can and should coexist with the West. Promoting tolerance, he calls for self-improvement through hard work and faith-based community development, and he regularly speaks out on behalf of women's rights, condemning domestic violence. Islam, he argues, accords women more rights and responsibilities than clerics and the male-dominated Middle Eastern societies acknowledge, reminding his audience that women were among the first converts to and martyrs in Islam, that they occupy a prominent position in Islamic piety and history. This is one reason among many why he has a particularly strong following among women. Khalid is also, however, an advocate of women wearing the hejab.
El (octogenario) Yusuf Qaradawi, p. 179-180:
[He has an] on-camera gig at al-Jazeera, where he is the host of a show calle dShariah wa'l-Hayat, or Shariah and Life. Due to the enormous popularity of his show, his face is instantly recognizable all around the Middle East, and he has gained respect for his views on matters large and small from Rabat to Ramallah.
Qaradawi echoes many of the arguments of fundamentalism, advocating the creation of a universal caliphate based on the shariah in place of ruling secular states, and although he pays lip service to dialogue and speaks of tolerance, more often than not he speaks of confrontation with the West and guarding against Jewish conspiracies. On women, minorities, and cultural freedoms he supports the same set of restrictions on dress and individual rights that also appear on the Muslim Brotherhood's program. He supports Palestinian suicide bombing and insurgency attacks in Iraq as self-defense, but he has spoken out strongly against the renegade teaching of Osama bin Laden and his ilk, defending the role of trained clerics in interpreting the faith and reminding his audience that Osama bin Laden is not a cleric and has no authority to declare jihad, let alone to change the religion's rules in order to suit his terror campaign. When al-Qaeda claimed responsibility for the bombing of a Tunisian synagogue killing fourteen German tourists, Qaradawi said, "Civilians, such as the German tourists, should not be killed, or kep as hostages... Anyone who commits these crimes is punishable by Islamic Sharia and have committed the sin of killing a soul which God has prohibited to kill and of spreading corruption on earth... The only one who could be killed is the murderer or the one who commits a a crime punishable by the law. In war... Muslims are not allowed to kill the elderly, women or children. The only legitimate target is the one whoe is involved in combat against Muslims."
Qaradawi is a telling representative of just how complex the blending of views in Islam is today. Though he speaks out against the violence perpetrated by al-Qaeda, he has supported the targeting of Israeli civilians by Hamas as self-defense, arguing that in this case, "Through his [Allah's] infinite wisdom he has given the weak a weapon the strong do not have and that is their ability to turn their bodies into bombs as Palestinians do". Stretching Islamic law's injunction that in jihad only combatants can be targeted, he claims that Israeli civilians can be targets because "they are not like other civilians, they are off-duty soldiers".
Leed aquí acerca de las posturas de Qaradawi, la mayoría verdaderamente despreciables: su visión sobre la violencia contra la mujer, la homosexualidad, los apóstatas, el Holocausto, el terrorismo contra civiles israelíes etc.
En 2004, más de 2.500 intelectuales musulmanes de 23 países (principalmente de Arabia Saudita, los estados del Golfo, Jordania, Iraq y Palestina) firmaron una carta de condena a los predicadores del terror, citando a Qaradawi como uno de los voceros que utilizan la religión para encubrir la incitación al terrorismo.
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