El 9 de noviembre de 1989 cayó el muró de la vergüenza comunista. Dos películas sobre el Berlín Oriental valen más que mil palabras:
- Good bye Lenin!. Relata la historia de un joven del este que tiene que recrear la Alemania comunista en su piso para que su madre socialista, en coma durante la caída del muro, no sufra otro paro cardíaco. Pero el mundo ha cambiado demasiado...
- La vida de los otros. En los años 80 una pareja de artistas es sospechosa de albergar simpatías occidentales y un astuto agente de la Stasi recibe la orden de espiarles.
Las dos son excelentes retratos de la opresión comunista, tanto en el aspecto material como en el espiritual o intelectual. Me gustaría saber si las ha visto Paco Frutos, presidente del Partido Comunista de España, que recientemente decía que él no celebra la caída del muro. Matiza que tampoco es partidario de construir ninguno, con lo cual da a entender o bien que es indiferente, o que la carga simbólica del muro pesa más que su naturaleza liberticida. Vale la pena recordar que el muro se construyó para detener el constante y masivo flujo de emigrantes a la Alemania occidental (3.5 millones antes de que se alzase). Solo 5000 alemanes pudieron escapar clandestinamente a occidente desde entonces, y el muro se cobró más de 100 muertos. Los guardias apostados tenían órdenes de disparar contra los desertores. En 1973 había recibido órdenes como ésta: "No dudéis en utilizar vuestras armas, incluso cuando intenten cruzar la frontera en compañía de mujeres y niños, una táctica han utilizado con frecuencia los traidores".
- En la BBC han retransmitido un reportaje sobre el muro y su caída, con entrevistas a diversos protagonistas (activistas de la resistencia, nostálgicos comunistas, antiguos agentes de la Stasi etc.) e imágenes de la época. Podéis verlo aquí.
- El País ha hecho un buen reportaje en vídeo sobre la caída del muro.
- The Economist sobre el mundo después de 1989: Walls in the mind. Copio un fragmento largo que resume el progreso vivido por la Europa del Este después de la caída del telón de acero:
At the end of 1989 it was easy to imagine the region staying mired in poverty for decades. Only the over-60s remembered how a market economy worked. For decades official propaganda had lambasted capitalism as akin to cannibalism. Industry was state-owned and run by party placemen. Management meant hunting for resources and then hoarding them, not dealing with costs, customers and competition. Foreign trade involved haggling with state planners in Russian, not closing deals in English.
So even granted the will-power to stabilise the economy, privatise state property and liberalise markets, would it work? As Lech Walesa, Poland’s first freely elected post-war president, noted, it is easy to turn an aquarium into fish soup. Reversing the process is much harder.
Yet free prices, free exchange rates, free trade, free labour markets and privatisation have proved a colossal success. The profit motive—however ugly, sleazy or vulgar—unleashed the caged talents of millions of entrepreneurs. Foreign investors, at first deterred by scarce telephones, bumpy roads and obnoxious officials, have come in droves, bringing a huge transfer of management and technical know-how. The first wave came because of low labour costs. Membership of the EU attracted the next influx. The EU has improved life in other ways too, forcing the pace of reform as a condition of membership and providing billions of euros for modernisation. Borders once sealed by minefields are now just lines on the map. You can drive from the Baltic Sea to the Mediterranean without even showing your passport. Water and air are cleaner than in 1989, transport faster and safer.
For the young, flexible and ambitious, the past 20 years have proved a bonanza. For the losers—the old, the timid, the dim—life has been punishingly difficult (see article). Yet outside the former East Germany, nostalgia for the past plays no part in politics. Only in the Czech Republic does a Communist party still have a political role. Elsewhere, the former proletarian internationalists have rebranded themselves as slightly sleazy centre-leftists.
The third big achievement, alongside democracy and prosperity, is the partial restoration of public-spiritedness, trust, decency and kindness. Communism habitually imposed horrible moral choices: denounce your colleague, or your child will never go to university. It preached altruism but ingrained selfishness. Statistics can barely capture the legacy of 50 years of lies and fear. Freeing central Europe’s captive nations has proved far easier than freeing its captive minds. Most adults in the region spent their formative years under communism. Only when those in charge have no memory of totalitarian rule will communism’s shadow finally be lifted.
Varios artículos interesantes en el semanario alemán Der Spiegel:
- Stasi Files Revisited. The Banalities and Betrayals of Life in East Germany. Los archivos de la policía secreta ocupan más de 100 kilómetros, sin contar los 16.000 sacos de documentos triturados que la Brithler Authority está intentando recuperar.
- Entrevista a Lech Walesa, el líder de Solidarnosc que se enfrentó al régimen comunista polaco.
- Impresionante reportaje fotográfico: las mismas fotos antes y después de la caída del muro.
Actualizado:
- Catalunya Oberta: El mur de Berlín i Catalunya (en catalán)
Ningú no defensa avui obertament les dictadures de l’Est, però és innegable que en molts sectors de l’esquerra segueix present la nostàlgia del comunisme. Encara existeix aquell suat argument que el comunisme no era dolent en sí, i que el problema van ser els excessos de les persones que van dominar durant dècades l’URSS i els seus satèl·lits. Que aquesta idea existeix en dóna fe la delirant reacció de molts sectors de l’esquerra amb la crisi mundial de fa un any i que va donar lloc a frases tan pintoresques com que “el capitalisme ha fracassat, cal replantejar-se el retorn a algunes idees del comunisme”.
Aquesta mentalitat d’esquerra que encara no s’ha assabentat del que va passar a Berlín fa vint anys és especialment potent a Catalunya. Iniciativa, el partit dels ex comunistes, és al poder, i es permet el luxe de donar carnets de pedigrí democràcia, en un despropòsit que a penes te parangó a cap altre país europeu. Que un partit així, que no va condemnar els monstruosos crims de Stalin fins fa tres anys, sigui al Govern de la Generalitat és una anomalia que no fa sinó deixar palesa la manca de gruix de la cultura democràtica a Catalunya.
- Especial de Libertad Digital sobre el muro de Berlín. Escribe Luis Gómez, Aprendiendo a ser libres.
- El editorial de LD:
Ayer mismo, el nuevo secretario general del Partido Comunista de España, José Luis Centella, proclamó con el puño en alto que "no tenemos que pedir perdón por nada". Como si el metódico asesinato de 100 millones de personas y el empobrecimiento y esclavización de otros cientos no fueran razones suficientes como para relegar al basurero de la historia a tal criminal programa político e ideológico.
Pero lo cierto es que el despótico espíritu del comunismo no sólo sobrevive dentro de estos reductos marxistas nacionales y extranjeros. Como también advirtiera Revel en su libro La Gran Mascarada, la caída del Muro supuso un mazazo de credibilidad tan grande para la izquierda que a partir de entonces tuvo que transformarse y adoptar nuevas formas dentro de nuestras sociedades occidentales. A partir de 1989, el programa político del socialismo oficial, más que a construir un régimen tiránico al estilo soviético, se ha dedicado a destruir las sociedades democráticas y la economía de mercado.
- La edición de Marzo de 1990 de la revista The Free Market, del Mises Institute, con artículos de Rothbard, Sirico y Boettke.
- Editorial de The Times:
Unification has come at a price, however. Few in Bonn realised how costly would be the ruinous decision to exchange the East German mark at parity. No one in the West knew the scale of the country's foreign debt and industrial ruin, how hollow were its boasts and how polluted its landscape. It has taken two decades, the flight of three million people from the East and untold investment to try to repair 40 years of communist misrule. Even now eastern Germany is significantly poorer, with higher unemployment, than the west. But it has freedom. And who would have imagined then that the Chancellor of a confident and stable Western democracy celebrating this moment would be the daughter of an East German pastor?
- El País entrevista a un veterano y a una joven afiliada del PCE (vía Capella): ¿Qué es ser comunista en 2009? Pues, a tenor de sus respuestas, lo mismo que antes de la caída del muro. Atención a estas respuestas (la cosa se vuelve delirante cuando les preguntan por los presos políticos de Cuba. "Yo no los llamaría así"):
Esther López Barceló: Es que esto es como cuando se habla de Cuba... A mí el debate me interesa si lo que se propone como alternativa me parece positivo. Podemos decir que Cuba no es el sistema ideal, pero no se puede debatir si la alternativa son los balseros que se van a Miami. Entonces no hay nada de que hablar. Así que lo del muro... si la alternativa era el capitalismo que tenemos hoy día pues sí, fue una tristeza que cayera el único reducto que quedaba de posibilidad de luchar por un socialismo. (...)
Yo no estoy a favor del sistema de partido único pero es un sistema mucho más democrático y participativo del que tengo yo aquí en el Parlamento español. Se puede estar, en las formas, con otro tipo de democracias, pero eso no me lleva a cuestionar ni el comunismo ni la revolución cubana.
- Exhaustiva recopilación de enlaces a artículos, reportajes y fotos (vía Barcepundit)
- La Postdamer Platz, antes un páramo entre muros, ahora esto:
- Galería de imágenes de The Guardian. Reportaje fotográfico de El País.
Desde luego lo del muro fue una alegría. Desde luego lo había previsto tres meses y medio antes; está escrito y la prueba dormirá en algún cajón, aunque es más probable que quemaran todos los exámenes. Fue previsible en cuanto se abrió la primera brecha. El totalitarismo no puede permitirse brechas. No lo previó ni uno de los catedráticos que desfilaron por aquel palacete de Barcelona donde estudiábamos -decían- relaciones internacionales. Qué vergüenza sus explicaciones apresuradas: vamos hacia la fusión de los dos modelos; el comunismo no ha perdido; el capitalismo no ha ganado. Los cenáculos universitarios debían aturdirles, porque en la soledad de una buhardilla de Vilassar de Mar uno ya había procesado a Czeslaw Milosz, a Solzhenitsyn, a Kundera. El pensamiento cautivo, el Archipiélago y La broma. Sobre todo la broma, porque a mí se me entra antes por la novela. Mi muro ya había caído. Otros aún lo llevan puesto.
- Reflections on Communism Twenty Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall, de Paul Hollander, Cato Institute.
At the same time, there is a remarkable lack of moral concern in the West with the atrocities committed under communist systems, including the tens of millions of people who perished as a result of communist policies. By contrast there has been a great deal of impassioned condemnation of the outrages of Nazism. The most important reason for treating Nazism and communism differently has been the perception that communist crimes were unintended consequences of the pursuit of lofty goals whereas the goals of Nazism themselves were unmitigated evil.Western intellectuals who had once idealized the Soviet Union have done little soul searching regarding the roots of their beliefs. The long association of idealism with animosity toward commerce and capitalism among Western intellectuals has contributed to a reluctance to criticize a system ostensibly established in opposition to the values they abhorred.
Public attitudes in former communist countries have been conflicted because of the arguable complicity of many citizens in keeping the old system in power. A predominant attitude in Eastern Europe and Russia toward the former communist systems has been a mixture of oblivion, denial, and repression.
- Jornada de conferencias del Cato Institute sobre la libertad y la prosperidad en Europa del Este, a propósito del 20 aniversario de la caída del muro. Entre los ponentes, Vaclav Klaus.
- Espléndido artículo de Wolfang Hummel, director del Ministerio estatal de Finanzas de Berlín, en el Wall Street Journal: Twenty Years of Stimulus for East Germany. Explica bien los problemas que padece la Alemania ex comunista después de 20 años y sus causas. Copio un párrafo, leedlo entero.
At first glance, East Germany seems far ahead of its neighboring countries of Poland and the Czech Republic, whose economy also underwent a transformation from a socialist planned economy to a market-driven one. But a bitter truth remains, although unspoken: While the economies of Poland and the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia have managed to get on their own feet, East Germany is still fed intravenously by its western half. East Germans consume more than they produce, a gap of at least 20%. The East German economy is anything but self-supporting.
- Editorial del Wall Street Journal:
Barbed wire, closed military zones and the machinery of communist propaganda could keep the prosperity of the West out of sight of most people living east of the Iron Curtain. But that wasn't true for the people of East Berlin, many of whom merely had to look out their windows to understand how empty and cynical were the promises of socialism compared to the reality of a free-market system.
Yet it bears recalling that even these obvious political facts were obscure to many people who lived in freedom and should have known better. "Despite what many Americans think, most Soviets do not yearn for capitalism or Western-style democracy," said CBS's Dan Rather just two years before the Wall fell. And when Reagan delivered his historic speech in Berlin calling on Mr. Gorbachev to "tear down this wall," he did so after being warned by some of his senior advisers that the language was "unpresidential," and after thousands of protesters had marched through West Berlin in opposition.
- Grandes éxitos de la República Democrática Alemana (vía La libertad y la ley). Cuatro concretamente: el coche Trabant, los muñequitos del semáforo, los pepinillos del Spreewald, y el vino espumoso Rotkäppchen Sekt. Es cómico que a esto se reduzcan los grandes logros del comunismo durante 40 años, aunque Público lo expone con toda seriedad.
Actualización III:
- Ramón Reig, Ser comunista, en Rebelión. Una perla: "yo no sé muchas cosas", admite el comunista; lo que si sabe es que hay que seguir confiando en la revolución y hacer otra cuanto antes.
El comunismo se arriesgó, apostó, sus principios van en la dirección de dignificar a los seres humanos. Levantó un muro y todo salió mal, por unas causas u otras, entre todos lo mataron y él solito se murió. Yo no celebraría tanto la caída del muro porque lo que estamos celebrando en realidad es el fracaso de la especie por ser más solidaria y más justa consigo misma. El fracaso por ahora, porque el comunismo debe seguir ahí, y nadie tiene derecho a hurtarle a la gente el ideal de construir un entorno más habitable. Ni nadie tiene fuerza moral para echarle en cara al comunismo lo que hizo.
- Desde la izquierda recuerdan que hay otros muros que siguen en pie: en Ceuta y Melilla, en México y en Palestina. Muy convenientemente se les olvida mencionar el de Corea del Norte... El recordatorio no me parece desafortunado, sobre todo en el caso de las barreras puramente migratorias como la mexicana. Y sí, yo también creo que hay hipocresía en la derecha respecto a esta cuestión. En tanto partidario de la libertad de movimientos, considero que los muros destinados a impedir la entrada de gente que busca labrarse un futuro mejor son una injusticia y estoy a favor de su derribo. En el caso del muro en Palestina (y en Ceuta y Melilla) soy más ambivalente, por la dimensión política que tiene el aspecto migratorio en esos lugares. Entiendo que es una injusticia para las personas que no buscan otra cosa que mejorar su situación y la de sus familias, pero también es razonable querer mantener fuera a potenciales terroristas o a gente ansiosa por hacer reivindicaciones políticas que conduzcan a un cambio de régimen y a un eventual debacle social y posible baño de sangre. En cualquier caso hay una diferencia cualitativa importante entre el muro de Berlín y los demás muros que menciona Hugo Martínez: el muro de Berlín fue alzado por la dictadura comunista para que la gente no pudiera marcharse del país. Los otros muros son alzados por los gobiernos extranjeros para prevenir la entrada de inmigrantes al país. Este detalle da cuenta de la dirección del flujo migratorio: del comunismo al capitalismo, de las sociedad más pobres y reprimidas, a las sociedad más prósperas y libres. Eso no quita, insisto, que los muros para detener este flujo sean una injusticia. Pero su propósito no es exactamente el mismo. Si conceden este punto, podemos entendernos.
- El comunista Don Ricardo, en A Sueldo de Moscú, explica por qué se siente tan lejos del PCE aludiendo a las palabras de la joven Esther en la tremenda entrevista de El País que enlazaba arriba.
[M]e da miedo que pueda tener posiciones de poder gente que piensa que «la realidad cubana es la democracia más profunda que he vivido yo en cualquier país», y que «en España no hay una democracia garantizada». También me da miedo que pudiera tener poder gente que cuando llega a Cuba, se da «cuenta de que, con los comités de defensa revolucionarios, hay una democracia participativa enorme en los barrios...»Y me da miedo, porque yo, que soy socialista, marxista y revolucionario, estaría en la cárcel en caso de que ellos gobernaran, porque me opondría con todas mis fuerzas a su poder.
Actualización IV:
- Richard Cohen, en The Washington Post: Why the Berlin Wall endured.
To a degree that now seems astounding, Reagan’s views about communism and the Soviet Union were once considered downright nutty. When on June 12, 1987 he stood before the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin and told the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev to “tear down this wall,” Reagan was criticized as reckless. The wall, his critics said, was not coming down and there was no point in upsetting the Russians. They, after all, were a super power, too.
In confess I was one of those who gasped at Reagan’s temerity. I had grown up with the Soviet empire as a reality and Reagan, of course, had not. (...)
As many times as I passed through the wall at Checkpoint Charlie, I never looked back and took a mental picture of something that was destined to collapse. I thought of it as something permanent -- it and East Berlin, the United States and the Soviet Union. This world had balance, symmetry. This is why the wall endured as long as it did. It was kept up not by cement but by a mindset. We believed.
- Vladimir Ryzhkov, en The Moscow Times: Very Little to Celebrate.
In contrast to the successes in the East and West, Russia — the country that did so much to inspire all these changes — has ended up the biggest loser in the post-Cold War era. Twenty years later, the country has experienced a triple defeat. First, Russia has failed to modernize its economy or social sphere. Second, it has not been able to build an effective political system, creating instead a one-man authoritarian regime. Russia has lost its international reputation and its former superpower status, leaving it almost entirely without allies or the support of global public opinion. (...)
This degradation has not been lost on Russia’s neighbors, which are distancing themselves as much as possible from Moscow. Instead, they consider Western institutions to be the better model for development. Only five former Soviet republics have relatively good ties with Russia — Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan — and even they are taking cautious steps backward. The other former Soviet republics have either distanced themselves from Moscow or else broken ranks with Russia completely. The Kremlin is rapidly losing its two major means of influencing others — the “hard power” of economic and military incentives and threats and the “soft power” of attracting partners through its own example, culture and policies.
- Paul Johnson en Modern Times : The World from the Twenties to the Nineties
, que estoy ahora terminando, resume la gradual caída del telón durante aquel año (p. 759-60):
The lead was taken by Hungary, which had earlier been in the van in introducing market factors into its crumbling "command economy". Its much-hated leader, János kádar, had been removed in May 1988 as Party General Secretary; now, on 8 May, he was dismissed as Party Chairman, and in due course the Hungarian Communist Party voted itself out of existece (10 October 1989), beign replaced by a multi-party system. More important, however, was Hungary's decision to dismantle the Iron Curtain itself, as this had a knock-on effect on other satellites. On 2 May Hungary began to roll up its border fence with Austria, opening the frontier to East-West traffic at will. Even more sesational was the decision to open its border to East Germany on 10 September.
The gathering force of anti-Marxist revolutionary fervour made this a move of critical significance. The Polish Communist Party had suffered a curshing defeat at the polls on 5 June, the day after the Tiananmen Square massacre, and on 12 September the first non-Communist government too over in Warsaw. The people of East Germany, who had been to brutally represset by Soviet tanks in 1953, we unwilling to see their Slav and Hungarian neighbours liberate themselves while they remained chained to the gruesomely unpopular regime of Erich Honecker. Once the Hungarian frontier was opened, many of them poured across it, en route to West Germany. The Iron Curtain thus had a huge hole in it, and the effect was to destabilize the East German government, long regarded as one of the most Stalinist and secure. While some East Germans fled, others began to demonstrate. The same day the Hungarian CP dissolved itself, mass marches began throughout East Germany, but especially in Berlin and Leipzig. Gorbachev, paying a long-arranged visit (7 October), was asked by an anxious Honecker to send in troops and tanks. He refused. He told the old Stalinist he must either enact reforms, quickly, or get out while he could. Publicly, Gorbachev said all the East European regimes were in danger unless they responded to what he called "the impulse" of the times. Thus abandoned by hi ally, Honecker resigned on 18 October, his colleagues having refused to authorize troops to open fire on demonstrators. He was succeeded by "a brief and embarrassed phantom" (to use Diraeli's phrase) called Egon Krentz, who lasted exactly seven weeks. On 4 November a million marched in East Berlin. Five day later, at a historic press conference held by the East Berlin Party boss, Gunter Schabowski, it was announced that frontier police would no longer try to prevent East Germans from leaving the country. A Daily Telegraph reporter asked the key question: "What about the Berlin Wall?" and was told it was no longer an exit-barrier.
That night the Berlin Wall, the ugly and despised testament to Communist oppression, where so many hundreds of German democrats had died trying to escape, was the scene of a wild orgy of rejoicing and destruction, as young Germans hacked at it with pick-axes. Tlevision carried these historic scenes around the world and in other East European capitals, and, to use, ironically, a phrase of Marx's, "the enflamed masses began to scream ça ira, ça ira!" In Czechoslovakia, another satellite with a hardline Stalinist government, demonstrations began eight days later, on 17 November, and the following day in Bulgaria. There, the fall of the Stalinist government of Todor Zhivkov was followed, on 16 December, by the Bulgarian Communist Party renouncing its monopoly on political power and opening the way to a multi-party system. Meanwhile on 24 November, after almost continuous demonstrations in Prague, the entire Communist leadership resigned and a non-Communist government was formed under the writer Vaclav havel, later elected President. In most cases, these momentous changes were brought about without much violence, or even peacefully. There was, happily, no lynch law, though the nature and number of the crimes committed by outgoing Communist leaders, which now came to light, were horrific. In East Germany, for instance, the secret police had been involved not only in international terrorism but in large-scale drug smuggling on the West, producing hard currency profits which had gone into Swiss bank accounts kept for the benefit of the party leaders. Honecker saved his own skin by entering an army hospital in a military zone controlled by the Soviet forces, from whence he was spirited to Moscow early in 1991. Many other satellite leaders, like Zhivkov, were arrested and in some cases brought trial.
Actualización V:
I first visited Berlin in 1985, while traveling with Randall Kroszner. We drove to West Berlin by car and we were terrified for the few hours we were underway in East Germany. Randy did not drive over the speed limit once. I was hardly a communist sympathizer but still I was unprepared for the day trip to East Berlin. I saw soldiers goose-stepping down one of the main streets. In the stores old ladies yelled and swung their brooms at me. Many buildings still had bullet marks or bomb damage from World War II. In a restaurant we ate a rubber Wiener Schnitzel and shared a table with an East German family; they did not have enough trust in their government to speak a word to us. I was unable to spend my mandatory thirty-mark conversion on anything useful; I carried back some Stendahl and Goethe but didn't want the Lenin. This was in the capital city in the showcase of the communist world.
My biggest impression was simply that I had never seen evil before.
In the summer of 1990 I stayed in a dorm in East Berlin. Everyone seemed normal. Cute girls smiled. Yet there were few signs of modern German life as a Westerner might understand it; it was as if I had stepped into an alternative science fiction universe. (...)
Let me try to sound as superficial as possible, in light of the extreme poverty in Africa.
The food was terrible. The cars were a joke, if you even had one. There were hardly shops to be found. I had to spend 40 or so "Ostmarks" and literally could not find a single thing I wanted. I bought a Stendahl book and left the rest of the money on a bench. Few people had the means to travel, even if politics had permitted it. I am skeptical about the health care though I will admit I am not informed. Had the relatively productive people been free to leave, this all would have been much worse. It should also be noted that the country was neither donating much to Africa, nor taking in many immigrants, and again that is not just because of the politics.
- Richard Ebeling, un veterano del movimiento liberal, repasa la historia del muro y su significado, explicando algunas anécdotas poco conocidas como ésta:
There also emerged a smuggling business that ran ads in West German newspapers. One such company, Aramco, with headquarters in Zurich, Switzerland, gave out press releases referring to their “most modern technical methods.” The company’s prices were not that unreasonable: $10,000 to $12,000 per person, with “quantity discounts” for families, payable into a numbered account in a Swiss bank. If an escape attempt failed, the company refunded most of the money to the person financially sponsoring the breakout.
The East German government issued “wanted” posters on the East Berlin side of Checkpoint Charlie, offering 500,000 German marks for the director of Aramco, Hans Ulrich Lenzlinger. The “wanted” posters negatively referred to him as a “trader in people.” In February 1979, someone collected the bounty on Lenzlinger’s head, after he was shot repeatedly in the chest and killed at his home in Zurich.
- Emotivas imágenes del festejo de la libertad hace 20 años en las calles de Berlín.
- Reportaje de Der Spiegel echando mano de su hemeroteca.
Crying policemen. Stinking traffic jams of East German Trabis on the posh streets of West Berlin. Strangers falling into each others' arms. The night of Nov. 9, 1989 was unforgettable. A look into the SPIEGEL archives brings the historic day to life.
- Entrevista de Der Spiegel al presidente ruso Dmitry Medvedev en motivo del aniversario.
- Celebraciones de hoy en la puerta de Brandenburgo de Berlín (Sky News):
Actualización VI:
- El País entrevista a Egon Krenz, el último jefe de Estado de la RDA.
- Citoyen sacando los colores a los izquierdistas nostálgicos de la Alemania oriental.
- Reportaje de RTVE sobre la caída del muro.
